Hayreddin Pasha (Arabic: خير الدين باشا التونسي‎, Khair al-Din Pasha al-Tunsi, c.1822-1890) was an Ottoman politician who was born to a Circassian family , and became a Grand vizier of Ottoman Tunisia then a Grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire. He was a Ottoman Tunisian political reformer during a period of growing European ascendancy. He rose to become the chief minister of the state.

Of Circassian origin, Hayreddin was born in Abkhazia into "a family of warrior notables". His father Hassan Leffch, a local chieftain, died fighting against a Russian attack on the city of Sukhum. Thereafter as a young orphan Hayreddin was sold into slavery, then still a familiar event for Circassian youth. At Istanbul, however, he was eventually traded into a prestigious household, that of the notable Tahsin Bey, a Cypriot Ottoman who was the naqib al-ashraf (head of the Prophet's descendants) and qadi al-'askar (chief judge of the army) of Anatolia, and a poet.

Tahsin Bey moved the boy to his country palace at Kanlica near the Bosporus, where he became the childhood companion of the Bey's son for a span of years. Khayr al-Din received a "first-rate education" which included the Islamic curriculum, also the Turkish language, and perhaps French; yet he was not raised as a mamluk. Following "the son's tragic premature death" Khayr al-Din was again sold, in Istanbul by Tahsin Bey to an envoy of Ahmed Bey of Tunis. This new uprooting would obviously provoke emotional turmoil in Khayr al-Din, then about 17 years old. Soon he was on board a ship bound for Africa.

Circa 1840 Hayreddin became situated at the Bardo Palace, in the court of Ahmad Bey (r.1837-1855), as a mamluk bi-l-saraya [inner palace retainer]. He resumed his high-level studies, mainly at the Bardo Military Academy (al-maktab al-Harbi) a nearby institution newly established by the bey. A key part of his education now was learning to converse in Arabic, also acquaintance with French. At the Husaynid court he abilities were soon recognized; he became favored with the attention and trust of Ahmad Bey. He rose quickly in the elite cavalry, the nucleus of the bey's new army. Moreover, during the 1840s and 1850s he was sent by the Bay on several key diplomatic missions, e.g., to the Ottoman Porte at Istanbul, which was then pursuing its Tanzimat reforms, and to European capitals, including Paris. His political career thus began auspiciously under this famously modernizing ruler.

In 1846 he accompanied the bey, as part of small staff which included the influential advisor Bin Diyaf, during a two-month state visit to France. This trip was of a special cultural and political significant in that the orthodox bey traveled for an extended stay to a non-Islamic country in order to acquire familiarity with its modern methods of operation and governance. The trip "expanded the cultural space deemed acceptable for Muslim rulers." The French took care to show France to advantage; the small Tunisian party was well received by top government officials and leading private citizens. "Having traveled beyond the land of Islam, Ahmad Bey was blessed upon his return to Tunis by the grand mufti." In 1853 Hayreddin was elevated to the highest military grade, commander of the cavalry; he also then became an aide-de-camp of the bey. Yet shortly thereafter he was sent to Paris to arrange a loan for the bey's regime, but where instead he spend four years attempting to reclaim large sums embezzled by the notable Mahmud bin 'Ayyad, former head of the newly created national bank of Tunis, who with foresight had already secured French citizenship. During his years occupied with negotiations in Paris, Hayreddin also managed to browse libraries and bookshops, to improve his French, asking many questions, and to study European society, industry, and finance.
Because of the dire financial situation caused in part by the embezzlement of bin 'Ayyad, the bey's loan did not appear prudent to Hayreddin, according to Prof. Abun-Nasr. Nonetheless, the bey had stifled most political opposition to his financial schemes by long cultivation of the urban ulama and the rural tribal leaders. Due to Hayreddin's passive resistance, however, the loan was still being negotiated when Ahmed Bey died in 1855.

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People from the North Caucasus have a vague reputation in the rest of Russia. Some people consider them aggressive and try to avoid them, others simply don't understand their behavior. Let's find out why and meet the locals of the North Caucasus!

Time codes:
0:00 Shameless baths under the open sky
2:03 Caucasus Mineral Waters - group of resorts
2:33 What do locals think about Pyatigorsk?
3:21 Geography of the Caucasus
3:32 How does the Caucasus differ from Russia?
5:07 Local guide: How Pyatigorsk changed over time
9:20 Privat house that I rented in Pyatigorsk
12:28 Delicious Caucasus cuisine
13:21 Why the Caucasus stands out from the rest of Russia?
14:41 Pyatigorsk is a melting pot of cultures. But all people are united by...
16:00 I'm going further to Chechnya

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"The first time I ever really listened to Kyle Kulinski’s show was in the back of a cab last summer. The driver had his phone hooked up through the stereo and was pumping out an episode through the car speakers — loudly, as if looking to convert a captive audience.

“Do you like Kyle Kulinski?”

The driver, Ahmed, was a recent immigrant and apparently a die-hard fan of Secular Talk, the political talk show that Kulinski broadcasts on YouTube. I told him, yes, in fact. I do like Kulinski, had come across his show several years ago, and, all things considered, he seemed pretty good.

“He understands what we’re up against,” Ahmed said. “Like Bernie.”

But I was surprised to hear Kulinski’s name mentioned in the same breath as Bernie Sanders, particularly with such adoration. Because what I did remember about Kulinski’s show struck me as mostly capital-P “progressive” takes on the news — the left wing of the Netroots crowd more than the democratic socialism Sanders has popularized.

It’s an impression that wasn’t entirely incorrect.

“I have no time for philosophical, airy bullshit,” Kulinski tells me from his home in Westchester, New York. “I don’t want to hear about Lenin. I don’t want to hear about Marx. I just want a super plainspoken, straightforward agenda with a straightforward way of selling it.”

With over 800,000 subscribers and nearly 670 million total views on YouTube, selling a progressive agenda is clearly something Kulinski knows how to do — even Democracy Now, the long-standing flagship of progressive media, cannot match his reach on the platform. Chapo Trap House can certainly boast a wildly devoted fan base (and a not insignificant degree of media influence), but their audience is roughly half the size of Kulinski’s.

While Secular Talk might be more likely to be looped in with the progressive networks around Air America and Pacifica alums like Sam Seder than the more resolutely socialist world, Kulinski’s fiery rhetoric, razor-sharp class instincts, and knack for withering takedowns sets him apart from his peers. Judging by his rhetoric alone, he’s closer to a Eugene Debs than a Chris Hayes.

But unlike Hayes, Amy Goodman, or his friend Cenk Uygur of The Young Turks — who began airing Secular Talk on his web network seven years ago — the thirty-two-year-old Kulinski is virtually invisible in the mainstream media. Despite his enormous fan base, his show has never once been mentioned in the obligatory trend pieces on “the Millennial Left” pumped out by the prestige media. Nor has Kulinski’s name ever popped up at all in the New York Times, Vox, the New Yorker, New York Magazine, or the Washington Post, despite his leading role in cofounding Justice Democrats, the organization widely credited with sweeping Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and the rest of “the Squad” to power.

Just last week, his Wikipedia page was deleted. The reason? “There is very simply no [reliable source] coverage of this person,” according to one moderator. In new media, he’s king — the Sean Hannity of the Berniecrat left. In old media, he’s nobody.

I suspect there are a few reasons for that. There is nothing “cool” about Kulinski’s show. (As a friend put it, “‘Welcome to Secular Talk’ sounds like something you’d hear on Egyptian radio.”) His no-nonsense social-democratic politics won’t get him much cred with the Full Communism crowd. He records his show not in Brooklyn or Los Angeles, but in a studio he built himself in his modest Westchester home. His hair is too groomed and his taste in clothes too preppy to qualify as “Dirtbag Left.” Nor has he ever attended an n+1 release party. “Not only have I not attended one,” he says, “I have no idea what that means.”

And yet he’s astonishingly plugged-in for a young man in the suburbs. Wondering how Sanders ended up on the Joe Rogan Experience? Kulinski, a frequent guest on Rogan’s wildly popular show, introduced them. “You make the most sense to me,” Rogan told Kulinski on a recent episode. “You’re a normal person.”

Much like Sanders himself, Kulinski’s show has a massive audience that just doesn’t compute with our media’s understanding of “what the kids want” or even “what the left-wing kids want.”

It’s probably for the best — the very woke and very WASP-ish decorum haunting much of the media world is nowhere to be found in Secular Talk. “Corporate Democrats over-focus on identity as a trick to divert you from the issues that unite us all — class issues,” he said on a recent episode.

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In Cooperation with:
The Circassian Cultural Institute

Monday, May 21, 2007
(Official Circassian Memorial Day)

AGENDA

Introduction:
Glen E. Howard
President, The Jamestown Foundation

Opening Remarks
Zack Barsik
President, the Circassian Cultural Institute

MORNING PANEL

The Circassians:

Paul Henze
Rand Corporation (Retired)
"Who are the Circassians? A Historical Perspective on the Circassians and Imperial Russia"

Dr. Kemal Karpat
Director of the Center of Turkish Studies, Department of History, University of Wisconsin-Madison
"The Circassian Migration to Turkey"

Fatima Tlisova
Former North Caucasus Correspondent, Regnum News Agency
"The Circassians Today & the Resurgence of Circassian Nationalism in the North Caucasus"

Glen E. Howard
Moderator

Russia’s Circassian Frontier:

Dr. John Colarusso
McMaster University
Moderator

Ali Berzeg
Executive Director, Circassian Congress Movement, Maikop, Adygeia, Russia
"The Democratic NGO Movement in Adygeia"

Haci Bayram
Human Rights Activist
"NGOs in the North Caucasus & Their Impact on Civil Society & the War in Chechnya"

Dr. Matthew Light
Visiting Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Massachusetts Amherst
"The Proposed Merger of Adygeia and Krasnodarskii Krai: Why, Why Now, and What Next?"

Mairbek Vachagaev
Doctoral Candidate Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), Paris, France
"The Military Jammats in Karachai-Cherkess"

KEYNOTE ADDRESS:

Paul Goble
Professor, Institute of World Politics
"Are the Circassians Again Looking Beyond Their Borders?"

AFTERNOON PANEL

The Circassian Diaspora:

Dr. Kemal Karpat
Director of the Center of Turkish Studies, Department of History, University of Wisconsin-Madison
Moderator

Dr. Alexandre Toumarkine
Vice Director, The French Research Institute, Istanbul, Turkey
"Where Are the Circassians Today? The Circassian Diaspora in Turkey & the Middle East"

Ziad Hajjo
Circassian-American
"The Circassian Diaspora in America"

CLOSE OF CONFERENCE

Ridade Stardust, herself a Circassian, tells us about this little-known ethnic group, their traditions and values, and their troubled history, from a very personal perspective.

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They are the fourth largest ethnic group in the Middle East, but they never obtained a permanent nation-state.

Around 35 million Kurdish reside in the mountainous regions located at the borders of Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Iran, and Armenia.

During the rise of the Ottoman empire, the Kurds were promised a separate homeland. When the borders of modern Turkey and its neighbours were drawn there was no more talk of an independent Kurdistan.

The thought of a free Kurdistan, can be worrying, will there ever be an independent state?

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Ariga-Projects in Formation of the Mentality of Adyga,

"Adyghe language in 30 days"

Dr.Bidanok Marziat Mugdinovna (Doctor of Philology, Leading Researcher of the Language, Maykop, Republic of Adygea, Russian)